The end, when it came, was fitting for
two reasons.
Firstly, it was that The
Telegraph that had been notified of a ‘private meeting’ in which Michael
Gove had told some MPs that he would not be pursuing a standalone planning
bill. It was The Telegraph, of course, that launched the ‘Hands Off
Our Land’ campaign in 2011 calling for the Coalition “to look again at
proposed changes to planning laws which risk undermining the safeguards that
have protected the countryside for almost 70 years.”
Secondly, is was typical of the
quality of debate around the ‘Planning
for the Future’ White Paper that it’s demise was reported as being the death
knell for “a controversial new planning law which would have allowed
uncontrolled building in parts of the country”.
Yes this round of planning reform is dead. It is not resting. It is not stunned. It has passed on. It is no more. It has
ceased to be. It has expired and gone to meet it’s maker. In a mere eighteen
months we have gone from ‘tearing it down and starting again’ to some ‘sensible
tidying up measures’ being added instead to a Levelling Up and
Regeneration Bill.
This, I would humbly submit, is regrettable.
Whilst governments, secretaries of state, ministers, white papers and Telegraph
campaigns come and go there did seem to be an opportunity at the start of this
parliament to do something substantive. A reformist government had been elected
with a healthy majority and the housing crisis seemed fairly high up on the
electorate’s list of priorities.
Time will tell as to what the
volte-face should be attributed to and, whilst the Chesham
& Amersham by-election is an obvious low-water mark, two underlying
contributory factors come to mind.
Firstly, it seemed to me that the
attitude of the collective profession went from enthusiastic curiosity at the
start of the consultation period to jaded scepticism by the end of it. It is
interesting to look back now at the appearances of Chris Katkowski
(proponent) on ‘Have I Got Planning News For You’ in the August of 2020 and Lord Carnworth
(opponent) in the October.
The Carnworth view, that “the aim should be to
build on the strengths of the existing system, reduce the clutter, and ensure
adequate resources, in terms of finance and personnel; and above all to provide
a period of policy stability to allow the reformed system to be settle down and
gain public understanding and confidence” was the one that prevailed.
It is
better the devil you know perhaps.
Or
perhaps the profession took an attack on it’s system as an attack on planners
generally, thus making an objective assessment of the White Paper that bit
harder. The present system though is plainly not working. Local plan after
local plan are collapsing in the south of England; the tilted balance allows
appeal after appeal to be upheld; and planning officer after planning officer
thinks ‘sod this for a game of soldiers’.
When asked if the system could be made to work if it was simply better resourced, Katkowski said “you cannot be serious!
Are you joking?”
The second contributory factor could
be the nakedly cyncial ‘developer’s
charter’ narrative that was not only allowed to emerge and take hold, but
was never pushed back against. It also seemed to me, and obviously
details needed to be fleshed out, that the White Paper would support the
principle of plan-led development and would raise the bar for establishing the
principle of development on sites out with a local plan. That is how I would have spun it.
A ‘Growth Area’ could have been the
equivalent of a current allocation, but with a wishy washy list of policy
aspirations replaced by detailed design codes. A ‘Renewal Area’ could have been
anywhere where redevelopment would be supported, again supplemented by codes of
a complexity commensurate to the circumstances. The trading estate on it’s last
legs, for example; or guidance on where clusters of tall buildings might be appropriate; or those rows of terraces around a tram or tube stop suitable for
‘gentle densification’. A ‘Protection Area’ could have been absolutely
everywhere else, subjecting, conceivably, every green field to the same
‘very special circumstances’ test that currently applies only to Green Belt.
The ‘developer’s charter’ confection
was allowed to include the claim that in relation to ‘Growth Areas’
communities would have ‘no right to say what is built in them’, which,
regardless of how the White Paper proposals might have played out, is
manifestly nonsense. Democratic involvement is simply moved upstream to a
single point at which the principle of development is established, which is
where it belongs.
Let us compare that imagined scenario
to the extension of the status quo. Local plans do not progress (and often
collapse) because of three main factors: Green Belt, housing numbers and
cross-boundary issues. There are no proposals in the Levelling
Up White Paper to address these issues and they require more than a sensible tidying
up measures. Where local plans are out of date, or where a LPA cannot
demonstrate a five year supply of deliverable housing, or where a LPA has
failed the Housing Delivery Test, planning applications are assessed
against a presumption in favour of sustainable of development. I have just
today read that “Worthing’s decision to reject plans for 475 homes on a site that it wants
to designate as a "green gap" in its emerging local plan has been
overturned by a planning inspector on appeal, after he found a
"considerable" housing land supply shortfall”. What do we suppose
that that decision will do for public understanding of and confidence in the
planning system in Worthing?
I am dwelling, of course (and pun intended), on planning
for housing, as is my want, but it is clear that housing is sucking all of the
life out of the system to the detriment of everything else that a plan-led
system should be contributing to.
I go back to the question that I put
to my guests in Episode 26 of the 50
Shades of Planning Podcast, which covered the newly-arrived White Paper. If you
were designing a planning system from scratch would it look more like that
imagined by the White Paper or that with which we try to work presently? The
answer is surely the former. Whether we got there in one go or in five goes is
now a moot point obviously, but it seems valid to ask those in the ‘better the
devil you know’ camp whether more progress would have been made by being a bit
more open to fleshing out these ideas rather than now having to rely on a magic
money fairy paying our council offices a visit.
When the next white paper is published
and the Telegraph launches it’s next ‘Save Our Countryside’ campaign we will be
able to look back on everything that happens, or does not happen, between then
and now and contemplate what might have been.
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